After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society

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After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society (St Antony's Series)

New York: Vintage Books, G ]. Giles, Robert H. Snyder, and Lisa DeLisle.

E R47 ]. Glenny, Misha.

Harmondsworth: Penguin, G54 ]. Gwertzman, Bernard M. The Collapse of Communism. New York, N. C ]. Kaldor, Mary. London: New York, E87 ]. Keddie, Nikki R. Debating Revolutions. D37 ]. Kenney, Padraic.

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A Carnival of Revolution--Central Europe Princeton: Princeton University Press, K ]. Kumar, Krishan. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, K85 ]. Mason, David S. Boulder: Westview Press, M38 ]. McDermott, Kevin, and Matthew Stibbe. Oxford: Berg, R48 ]. Priban, Jiri.

An encyclopedia of philosophy articles written by professional philosophers.

P75 ]. Prins, Gwyn. Spring in Winter : The Revolutions. Manchester: New York, S ]. Rodda, Ruth. Rumer, Eugene B. R N]. Simpson, John. London: Hutchinson, Staniszkis, Jadwiga. Berkeley: University of California Press, S73 ]. Stokes, Gale. New York: Oxford University Press, F76 ]. O4 no. Taras, Ray. Armonk, N. Sharpe, A6 R63 ]. Tismaneanu, Vladimir. Commentators have noted the vagueness of the terminology and the variations in what it connotes for different thinkers Beem, ; Green, Furthermore, the revival of the notion of civil society has occurred in tandem with attempts to theorize the new formal and informal institutional arrangements of society beyond the state Jessop, ; Swyngedouw, Based on the distinctions between civil society as a movement and an institution, Arato concludes that civil society must be securely institutionalized before becoming a key, long-term terrain of participatory politics Arato, Again, this tends to simplify the relationship between civil society movements and democracy.

The revival of civil society in opposing military and communist regimes is seen as opening the door to more liberal democracies. However, it is not easy to sustain that position. Once the civil society participants changed roles and became "founding fathers" of the new state, they obviously no longer opposed the state.

Therefore, Lindahl suggests that we distinguish the roles of civil society before and after a democratic transition Lindahl, Vaclav Havel or Lech Walesa, in this view, is "a dissident-intellectual-turned-politician. First I will compare civil society theory with the state of nature, political society, and economic society theories. Then I will examine the role of civil society in different democratic transitions. In the Greek city-state, Polis, Socrates asked how people should reconcile their individual needs with the needs of the society.

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In addressing this question, Socrates employed a dialectic method in which the arguers test propositions against other propositions in hopes of uncovering the truth O'Brien, Individuals' arguments were tested against societal arguments to find the proper balance - a civic virtue that would produce a society called a societas civilis , in contrast to barbaric society.

Concurrently, in Rome, the individual who participated in the public realm was viewed as participating toward civitas city-state. It could be concluded that some societies existed outside civitas and others inside civitas.

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Those inside civitas might be called civitas societies, in which each individual is bound by civic duties as civic virtue. Going further, Plato asserted that in a just society, citizens dedicate themselves to the common good, act virtuously and wisely, and practice the occupation for which they are most suited. Such a society should be led by "the enlightened one. Contrary to the suggestions posed by Plato, Aristotle first recommended that a state be governed by the middle class, those who are likely to strive for equality and who are moderate in their individual aspirations. Later, though, he asserted that governance must be performed for the common good, in which all can participate Aristotle, Hence, democracy is preferable to oligarchy.

Moreover, he stressed two aspects of liberty served by democracy: the opportunity for the individual to participate in making public policy, and the individual's freedom, protected by constitutional law, from intervention by the State. Societal governance, in his view, induced the lower units to achieve their goals through responsible, cooperative action, goals that they could not achieve by acting alone.

He also strongly stated that the individual depends on the community in order to live a truly human life, and even that the State is a natural creation that precedes the individual Mclean, In this way, Aristotle identified the nature of the sociopolitical order as a koin nia politika , or civil society. He presupposed that society had multiple forms of interaction, association, and group life. Augustine shifted the natural law of society from one based on reason to one based on divine rule. Fear of God and of churches became the basic foundation of civic virtue, law, and order of the society.

To be a civilized society was to be the city of God. Therefore, churches were seen as representatives governing the society. Civil society meant simply society under the protection of God and submitting to God's divine rule as manifested in the church's decisions and policies. The differences in the concepts of God's society and Aristotle's civil society were reconciled through the work of Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. He proposed that "love thy neighbor" provided a guideline to treat all people alike. Furthermore, building upon Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics , Thomas proposed that human life was more than a cyclical return to nature; rather, each life had sacred meaning and eternal import.

By combining Plato's participation and Aristotle's ethics, Thomas stressed civic manners: each individual must consciously commit to cooperatively strive toward a common goal in order to create a civil society. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke argued that society was not a work of nature but rather the result of a social contract Colas, For Hobbes, the state of nature was the natural order, in which people followed their emotions rather than reason. Such people would fight, "all against all," to protect their freedom.

They would need agreements in order to create peace, and then an institution to preserve it. This institution arose through a contract between individuals. Then and only then could human freedom flourish under the protection of the State, which kept the peace and guarded civil society Pietrzyk, In the state of nature, individual fought individual, whereas in civil society, the State maintained peace in a community of people acting in a civic manner.

By contrast to the Aristotelian assertion that people entered society because they were naturally sociable, Hobbes asserted fear drove people to the covenant. The covenant created a condition in which the state of nature gave way to civil society.

Thus, civil society was not merely the opposite of the state of nature; it represented an escape from the state of nature, achieved when free, rational people entered into an agreement. For Hobbes, civil society integrates all lawmaking and executive power in a single body. John Locke moved forward, arguing society results from a social contract. Locke argued that the State should not be seen as a single body, as Hobbes had done. Instead, Locke differentiated between government and society, with the goal of preventing the power of government from threatening the rights of the society O'Brien, Locke viewed government as a unitary outgrowth of the freedom to form an association.

Thus, he juxtaposed civil society against both the state of nature and the government: Wherever therefore any number of men are so united into one Society, as to quit every one his Executive Power of the Law of Nature, and to resign it to the publick, there and there only in a Political or Civil Society He tried to step away from Hobbes by viewing the state of nature as potentially peaceable, whereas the Hobbesian, lawless state of nature represented the state of war.

He asserted that dissolution of legislative power did not necessarily mean the end of society. Therefore, one could conclude that he simply distinguished the State from the society. In particular, he separated religious doctrine from the State. Churches remained autonomous.

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This represented an embryonic idea of civil society as a model for government. By contrast to Locke's expansion of the rights of man into the rights of property, Rousseau argued that the introduction of private property, which focused on the rights of the individual and neglected the common goods, ignited the state of war among the people. To avoid such war, he proposed a new social order that would provide equality and freedom for all.

This new social order collected individual forces into a supreme power that could govern, enact laws, protect its members, and maintain harmony. The State, as a supreme power, would be the arena for defining the common good and the institution through which individuals would willingly obey the general will Colas, ; O'Brien, In this view, then, the passage from the state of nature into civil state procedures coincides with the replacement of instinct with justice.

Ferguson, differing with Hobbes, believed that "society is the natural state of men" Pietrzyk, He saw political society as the natural result of men's experiences since birth. Civil society was, then, a society polished and refined, characterized by a certain stage of social, political, and economic advancement. For Ferguson, not all society could be called "civil. Although Ferguson considered commercial society the most advanced stage of social development, he acknowledged the dialectic of virtue and corruption in that society Ferguson, ; Pietrzyk, Thus, civil society might decline if commerce corrupted individuals' republican virtues.

In this respect, Ferguson implicitly distinguished an economic society that still practiced republican virtue, which he called civil society, from one that did not, which he called "tribesman" Ferguson, He also did not view civil society as opposing the state of nature, in Hobbes's terms, but as opposing the rude nation. He believed that through governmental policies, education, gradual knowledge and development, rude society might be transformed into civil society. Thus, while rejecting the idea of social contract as the basis of civil society and the asserted Aristotelian civic tradition, Ferguson envisioned the shift of society from rude or barbaric one into civil society.

In doing so, some might say he viewed civil society face to face with the state of nature or barbaric nations.

After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society
After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society After 1989: Morals, Revolution and Civil Society

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